Journal-"Everyday Life Story"

Journal daytime 6. burnt umber at Starbucks. She said that she had discussed my dilemma with her cousin, who has been working as a doctor in the United States for several(prenominal) years. The family was in the process of planning a rejoicing to which extended family, as closely as non- Islamic friends, and professional colleagues were already being invited. The reason for celebration was the birth of the first boy in the family in football team years; male children are passing prized in Muslim culture. The actual occasion was an aqiqa, or naming ceremony (Beeston, 1971). The untried woman had very kindly asked permission to bring me as a guest.

Journal Days 7-9. The aqiqa seems to be one of the fewer ritual thus farts to which Muslims enthusiastically invite non-Muslims. Muslim boys receive several name in a ritual designed for the purpose. The names have symbolic/tribal/family significance: ism (given name); laqab (nickname); kunya (compound hereditary form al-X or bin-X for "son of"); and nisba (surname) (Beeston, 1971). In America, this family adopted the horse opera practice of assigning three names: ism, kunya, and nisba. The laqab, if any, evolves informally.

Journal Day 12. The place: A large family home in Los Feliz. This off turn up to be a rather expansive celebration, although the umpteen women wearing headscarves lent an austerity to the occasion. There was no liquor, since alcoholic drink is forbidden to Muslims. However, there were many fruit beverages and sweets, many of them brought by the

Document forbids assisted self-destruction. (1995, April 1). Los Angeles Times, crustal plate Edition, 4B.

In 1957 in his encyclical The Prolongation of Life, Pius XII adjudge that "a time comes when resuscitative efforts should stop and oddment be unopposed" (Ad Hoc Committee, 1975, p. 169) and that a doctor might under certain restricting conditions relieve consciousness of the terminally ill with narcotics, even if such relief might hasten death. Some physicians and medical scholars began to realize the case for both options as opposed to maintaining life "cruelly and futilely . . . [as a way] to demonstrate [doctors'] scientific skills at the put down of their dying patients" (Russell, 1975, p. 112).

Pius XII's views were reaffirmed by ass Paul II in 1980 (Humphry & Wickett, 1986). However, it is important to note that this was a reaffirmation of conditional and highly qualified situations. For it was in 1978 that Pope John Paul II predicted that euthanasia would be the great moral issue of the 1980s. It everyplacely turned out to be a major legal issue (Humphry & Wickett, 1986), with every next right-to-die case causing a good deal moral, professional, and public-policy debate. The names in the cases cast a pall over the culture: Karen Ann Quinlan, Nancy Cruzan, Baby Doe, Jack Kevorkian. By the mid-1990s, firm positions had been staked out by public-policy advocates, medical practitioners, and religious commentators. In his encyclical Evangelium Vitae (The religious doctrine of Life), John Paul II specifically and programmatically condemned assisted suicide as a form of murder. What made his message even sharper was that assisted suicide had achieved the status of either law of nature or initiative in Europe and the U.S. According to John Paul II, however, assisted-suicide laws are a form of "false mercy." worry abortion and the death penalty they have an "illusion of lawfulness," further in fact they support a "culture of death" (Document, 1995, p. 4B).

It may seem a contradiction in basis to suggest that gettin
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